It Ain’t Merit

Reactionary pundits are infuriating, but we should reserve much of our anger for the media that generate their fame.

A recent Intercept article about Mohamad Tawhidi, the so-called “imam of peace,” a rightwing, Zionist, Islamophobic Shia cleric (no, seriously), sheds light on his rapid emergence as a media darling:

Tawhidi’s public career began, as he recently told “intellectual dark web” star Dave Rubin, when he “was discovered” by a producer for a tabloid news show on Australia’s Channel 7. “I got a call from Channel 7,” Tawhidi told Rubin, “and apparently they Googled ‘imam,’ ‘Adelaide,’ ‘Muslim,’ just to get a comment.” 

He speaks with pride where shame is appropriate: 

“So they came in wanting a three-minute comment on a certain issue and I gave them a 30-minute talk about the Muslim community,” Tawhidi continued, “and the director gets in touch with me and [said], ‘We can do a lot with what you’re saying.’” 

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College Administrators Care About Your Speech Rights–If You’re a Nazi

They disapprove of speech favorable to Palestinians, however.

Discussing free speech in the United States is a losing proposition.  Every political demographic screams about hypocrisy, but doing so misses the larger point:  it’s impossible to lionize speech as understood in this country without also being hypocritical.  That’s because civil liberties are indivisible from the needs of power.  In many cases, speech isn’t performed as a freedom; it’s an asset exploited by the shrewdest consumers.  

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Ripping the Headlines

What do corporate media headlines tell us about ruling class agendas? As always, Palestine provides an answer.

Headlines are critical and often decisive elements of any news cycle.  They inhabit a specific rhetorical genre—being a kind of art, as well—one reason why most publications don’t allow contributors the honor of writing them.  They can be tantalizingly vague, purposefully misleading, or notoriously sensational (looking at you, Salon).  But, like any textual phenomenon, they’re never neutral.  Even headlines that aim to be functional omit infinite possibilities; editors select certain words over others, limit description according to ideological need, and influence a reader’s focus.  (These conventions aren’t inherently bad, but they preclude objectivity.)

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James Baldwin and the Jewish State

Baldwin didn’t speak often of Israel, but he still managed to say plenty

For James Baldwin, nothing started or stopped at the borders of the United States.  His comments about Black-Jewish tension in the country of his birth took on worldly dimensions, offering unusual insight into domestic race relations, international affairs, and conflict in the Middle East. 

Baldwin wasn’t a policy wonk, but, befitting a person of his stature, he commented regularly on contemporary issues of global import.  Public figures don’t normally escape questions about Palestine and Israel; Baldwin was no exception.  The few times he spoke about the region reveal a thinker of significant prescience and a skilled rhetorician who doesn’t allow audiences the luxury of comfort. 

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BDS is a Picket Line

And crossing it makes you a scab

Last week, Shadi Hamid, a scholar affiliated with the Brookings Institute, announced on Twitter that he was visiting “Israel” and the “Palestinian territories” as part of a “study tour” sponsored by the Philos Project, a Christian Zionist outfit with warlike proclivities which “believe[s] that the Jewish nation is an indigenous nation of the Middle East with a right to live in its ancient homeland.”  The announcement didn’t go over well with members of the Palestine solidarity movement. 

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The Problem with Apology

When should anti-Zionists apologize to apologists for Israeli war crimes?

Two Saturdays ago, I was relaxing in my pajamas while my child watched cartoons and my wife tapped at her laptop when our calm morning was interrupted by a loud, menacing knock.  I opened the door to a smiling man holding a thick manila envelope in both hands. 

“Are you Steven Salaita?” he asked. 

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